Most of the interest in the outcome of the Communist Party plenum in Beijing has focused on the economic decisions. But the Chinese government also announced that it plans to set up a National Security Council – which has obvious echoes of the White House decision-making apparatus.
　　对中共十八届三中全会的成果，大多数人的兴趣集中在经济改革方面的决策。但三中全会公报也宣布，计划成立国家安全委员会，这让人很容易联想到美国白宫(White House)的国家安全决策机制。

　　The Chinese are not alone in making this move. Japan is also in the process of setting up a new National Security Council， which is meant to be operational by the end of the year. Some might find it a little ominous that at a time when Sino-Japanese tensions are so high， both countries are revamping their national security structures. But it could also be that the Chinese and Japanese are simply following foreign-policy fashion in the West. National Security Councils are all the rage. Britain set up an NSC in 2010， allowing the prime minister to chair regular meetings of all the senior ministers and officials dealing with security issues： foreign affairs， defence， intelligence and so on.
　　走出这一步的并非只有中国。日本也正在筹措成立一个新的国家安全机构“国家安全保障会议”，计划今年年底前投入运作。在中日关系如此紧张之际，两国都在全面调整自己的国家安全组织架构，这可能会让一些人感觉不妙。不过，中日两国也可能仅仅是在追随西方在外交政策决策方面的一股风潮。眼下很时兴成立国安委。英国于2010年设立了国家安全委员会，此后首相得以定期召集所有处理外交、国防和情报等安全问题的资深大臣和官员开会。

　　So what lies behind this proliferation of NSCs？ In Britain’s case I have always suspected there is a case of White House envy. The Cameronites were all avid watchers of The West Wing – and I think rather enjoy the glamour of having their very own NSC.
　　那么，各国为何纷纷成立国家安全委员？就英国而言，我一直怀疑这是出于对白宫的羡慕。卡梅伦的支持者都是《白宫风云》(The West Wing)的热心观众。我觉得设立英国自己的国安委会让他们感觉非常荣耀。

　　Less trivially， there obviously is a case for “joined-up government” that brings together all the key players on national security issues， rather than leaving them to work in separate ministries. And given the importance of America’s NSC to international affairs， it helps if there is a parallel structure in the UK and elsewhere that can liaise with Susan Rice and her team. There is also a global trend for heads of government to want their own foreign-policy teams， rather than leaving all that stuff to ministries of foreign affairs.
　　更重要的是，让所有肩负处理国家安全问题职责的重要官员聚到一起、而不是在各自的部门中分散工作，从而实现“联合执政”，这显然也很合理。此外，鉴于美国国安委在国际事务中拥有举足轻重的地位，倘若英国和其他国家都设有类似部门，能与美国国家安全顾问苏珊？赖斯(Susan Rice)及其团队进行联络，将有助于解决问题。也有越来越多的政府首脑希望组建自己的外交政策团队，而不是把外交事务完全留给外交部去处理，这是全球大势所趋。

　　But setting up a National Security Council is one thing – actually getting it to work is quite another. If an NSC structure is to function， then the national-security adviser has to be empowered to co-ordinate the input from all the different advisers – military， intelligence， diplomatic – and then to present the president or prime minister with a recommendation or， at least， a coherent set of policy options. That implies a centralisation of power and reporting lines that powerful ministries instinctively dislike. Indeed some British officials， who have talked informally to the Japanese about what setting up an NSC actually entails， found their interlocutors quite taken aback by the extent to which the national-security adviser would have to exert authority over other powerful players in the system.
　　但成立国安委是一回事，真正让它运转起来则是另一回事。如果想让这一机构正常运转，必须赋予国家安全顾问相应的权力，让他们能够从军事、情报和外交等不同领域的顾问那里获取信息，随后向总统（国家主席）或首相（总理）提出建议，或至少要提出一套协调的政策选项。这意味着责权的集中化，这必然引起拥有实权的部长们本能的反感。事实上，在跟一些日本人非正式地谈到成立国家安全委员会可能带来的影响时，一些英国官员发现，国家安全顾问必须在很大程度上对国家安全体制内其他实权人物施加权威这一点，让日本人感到相当吃惊。

　　That question is all the more acute – and important – when it comes to China. Many China-watchers believe that the supreme authority on national security is always likely to remain the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party， which is also chaired by President Xi Jinping. Then there is another theory – popular among gloomy analysts in Tokyo – which is that the Chinese military is increasingly a law unto itself. If that is right， then the prospects for peace in Asia may partly depend on whether China’s new NSC is capable of exerting civilian control over the military.
　　就中国而言，这个问题就更尖锐、也更重要。许多关注中国的观察人士认为，中共中央军委可能会一直对国家安全事务拥有最高权威，中国国家主席习近平也是中共中央军委主席。另外，在东京一些悲观派分析人士中盛行一套理论，认为中国军方眼下越来越自行其是。倘若如此，亚洲和平的前景或许将部分取决于，中国新设的国安委能否对军方施加文官控制。

　　It is also clear that this will be an NSC with Chinese characteristics. The statement announcing its formation made clear that the new body’s responsibilities will also cover domestic security – which would include issues such as terrorism， cyber-security， Tibet and Xinjiang. Such issues almost certainly outrank foreign security problems in the minds of China’s leaders. So perhaps China’s new NSC really will be national in focus？
　　此外，中国国安委将是一个具有中国特色的国安委。公报已明确表示，这家新机构的职责也将涵盖处理国内安全问题，也就是说，恐怖主义、网络安全、西藏和新疆问题都将包括在内。在中国领导层眼中，这些问题几乎肯定比对外安全问题重要。那么，或许中国这个新的国安委将把重心放在国内事务？

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